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- A Guide to Natural Foods with 350 Recipes -

Steve Petusevsky and Whole Foods Market Team Members

1. Cookery (Natural foods). 2. Natural foods. 3. Whole Foods Market.

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 1099 p
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 by Whole Foods Market Services, Inc.

 About Whole Foods Market
Whole Foods Market, a Fortune 1,000 company, is the world’s largest chain of natural
and organic foods supermarkets. At the end of our 2001 fiscal year we had sales of $2.3
billion and 126 stores in twenty-three states and the District of Columbia. Our stores
averaged 28,500 square feet in size. We had more than twenty additional stores in
development, with an average size of about thirty-five thousand square feet. There are
more than 23,000 Team Members currently working with Whole Foods Market. We are
a public company with common stock trading on the Nasdaq Stock Market (symbol: WFMI).

The stores are supported by regional distribution centers, bake houses, commissary
kitchens, a seafood processing facility, a produce procurement and field inspection
office, and a coffee roasting operation.
According to Fortune magazine, Whole Foods Market ranks as the 21st-largest food
and drug company in the United States, and the 827th largest company overall. Even
with rapid growth, Whole Foods Market remains a uniquely mission-driven company—
highly selective about what we sell, dedicated to our Core Values and stringent Quality
Standards, and committed to the principles of right livelihood, Team Member
empowerment, community service, conscientious retailing, and support for sustainable agriculture.

Our customers can be confident they will find the same high standards of quality and
service from all Whole Foods Market stores. You’ll find our retail stores and our
subsidiary location operating under the names: 
Whole Foods Market®
Bread & Circus®
Fresh Fields®
Harry’s Farmers Market®
Allegro Coffee Company®
The Whole Foods Market family of stores is constantly growing. Please visit our
website at for updated store locations and addresses, or
call 1-888-SHOP-WFM.

About the Coauthor
Chef STEVEN PETUSEVSKY is a pioneer in the marriage of taste and health, successfully pairing
traditional ingredients from the natural foods industry with creative cooking techniques.
Petusevsky previously worked for Whole Foods Market, Inc., Unicorn Village, in North Miami,
Florida, and for several international hotel corporations, including InterContinental Hotels,
Meridien Hotels, and Rockresorts (owned by the Rockefeller family).
Petusevsky is a graduate of the prestigious Culinary Institute of America in Hyde Park, New
York, where he was awarded a fellowship and served as chef instructor. He is also a widely
published food journalist with a reading audience numbered in the millions and has been
contributing editor for Cooking Light magazine for the past four years, writing a monthly column
called “Inspired Vegetarian.” He currently writes special features for the magazine. Moreover,
Petusevsky is a syndicated columnist for Chicago Tribune news service; his column entitled
“Vegetarian Today” appears in hundreds of newspapers nationally. His articles also appear in
Natural Health, Vegetarian Times, Fine Cooking, the Los Angeles Times Syndicate, Supermarket
Business, and Restaurant Hospitality. Petusevsky is the author of the Ten Speed Press grains poster.


WHOLE FOODS MARKET stores feature an exciting choice of thousands of products and a
unique shopping experience. Our stores are filled with healthful ingredients, abundant
samples, open kitchens where our in-store chefs conjure up ever-changing selections of
prepared foods, scratch bakeries, hand-stacked produce, take-out food stations, gourmet
cheese displays, European-style charcuterie departments, and pristine seafood cases that
bring fresh product up to eye level. To enrich your cooking at home, there are also
recipe cards to take with you, entertaining ideas, and the latest information on
emerging food issues.

From the beginning, Whole Foods Market emerged as a true innovator, transforming
food shopping from a chore into a dynamic experience that enlivens all the senses. The
wondrous sights, sounds, smells, and activity make each shopping trip a true experience
of discovery. Like the public markets of years past, Whole Foods Market stores play a
unique role as a community meeting place where friends can gather, interact, and learn,
while at the same time discover the many joys of eating and sharing food.

Whole Foods, Whole People, Whole Planet™
WE believe in a virtuous circle entwining the food chain, human beings, and
Mother Earth: Each is reliant upon the others through a beautiful and delicate
Whole Foods: We obtain our products locally and from all over the world—often
from small, uniquely dedicated food artisans. We strive to offer the highest
quality, least processed, most flavorful, and naturally preserved foods. Why?
Because food in its purest state—unadulterated by artificial additives,
sweeteners, colorings, and preservatives—is the best tasting and most nutritious
food available.
Whole People: We recruit the best people we can to become part of our team. We
empower them to make their own decisions, creating a respectful workplace
where people are treated fairly and are highly motivated to succeed. We look for
people who are passionate about food. Our Team Members are also well-rounded
human beings. They play a critical role in helping build the store into a
profitable and beneficial part of its community. Also, our customers are the
lifeblood of our business, and we celebrate the fact that this knowledgeable
consumer group turns to us for the very best, most natural food and nutritional
products available. We go to extraordinary lengths to serve our customers
competently, efficiently, knowledgeably, and with flair.
Whole Planet: We believe companies, like individuals, must assume their share
of responsibility as tenants of Planet Earth. On a global basis, we actively support
organic farming—the best method for promoting sustainable agriculture and
protecting the environment and the farmworkers. On a local basis, we are
actively involved in our communities by supporting food banks, sponsoring
neighborhood events, compensating our Team Members for community service
work, and contributing at least 5 percent of total net profits to not-for-profit

As a pioneer of the natural foods movement, Whole Foods Market was part of a small
but vocal group concerned with how the raw ingredients that ultimately ended up on
our dinner tables and in our children’s lunch boxes were grown, processed, and sold.
Through the years, many of our foods had lost much of their true flavor due to the
advent of modern farming practices, the disappearance of the small family farm, and the
increased use of synthetic chemicals in production. Operating against the mainstream
view over two decades ago, this group shared a simple vision: The purity of our food
and the health of our bodies are directly related to the purity and health of our
environment. The vitality and well-being of each individual is a microcosm of a much
larger culture, global in stature.
When we opened our first store in 1980, the seeds that represent Whole Foods
Markets unique core values and commitment to “Whole Foods, Whole People, Whole
Planet™” were first planted. In fact, this commitment has become our motto and today
expresses our philosophy: The planet’s health and human health are inextricably linked
with how we grow our food and what we eat. We have since cultivated those seeds to
grow into the world’s largest organic and natural foods supermarket—a company of
“heart and soul.”
We carry natural and organic products because we believe that food in its purest state
—unadulterated by artificial additives, sweeteners, colorings, and preservatives—is the
best tasting and most nutritious food available. We actively support organic farming
because we believe it is the best method for promoting sustainable agriculture as well as
protecting the environment and farmworkers. By seeking out farmers and food artisans
from around the corner as well as all around the world, Whole Foods Market searches
for not only the purest but also the freshest and most flavorful foods available.

Table of Contents



Published by Clarkson Potter/Publishers, New York, New York.
Member of the Crown Publishing Group, a division of Random House, Inc.

CLARKSON N. POTTER is a trademark and POTTER and colophon are registered trademarks of
Random House, Inc.

Marcus Aurelius

A New Translation, with an Introduction, by Gregory Hays


1. Ethics. 2. Stoics. 3. Life.

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Book Details
 307 p
 File Size 
 805 KB
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 2002 by Gregory Hays

GREGORY HAYS is assistant professor of classics at the
University of Virginia. He has published articles and
reviews on various ancient writers and is currently
completing a translation and critical study of the
mythographer Fulgentius.


Marcus Aurelius Antoninus
States will never be happy until rulers become philosophers or philosophers become rulers.
—PLATO, The Republic

Marcus Aurelius is said to have been fond of quoting Plato’s
dictum, and those who have written about him have rarely
been able to resist applying it to Marcus himself. And
indeed, if we seek Plato’s philosopher-king in the flesh we
could hardly do better than Marcus, the ruler of the Roman
Empire for almost two decades and author of the immortal
Meditations. Yet the title is one that Marcus himself would
surely have rejected. He never thought of himself as a
philosopher. He would have claimed to be, at best, a diligent
student and a very imperfect practitioner of a philosophy
developed by others. As for the imperial throne, that came
almost by accident. When Marcus Annius Verus was born, in
A.D. 121, bystanders might have predicted a distinguished
career in the Senate or the imperial administration. They
could hardly have guessed that he was destined for the
imperial purple, or seen in their mind’s eye the lonely bronze
horseman whose upraised hand greets us from the Capitoline
hill in Rome across two thousand years.

Marcus sprang from a distinguished enough family. The
year of his birth coincided with his grandfather’s second
tenure of the consulship, in theory Rome’s highest office,
though now of largely ceremonial importance. And it was to
be his grandfather who brought him up, for his father died
when he was very young. Marcus makes reference in the
Meditations to his father’s character as he remembered it or
heard of it from others, but his knowledge must have been
more from stories than from actual memories. Of the
remainder of his childhood and his early adolescence we
know little more than can be gleaned from the Meditations.
The biography of him in the so-called Historia Augusta (a
curious and unreliable work of the late fourth century
probably based on a lost series of lives by the third-century
biographer Marius Maximus) tells us that he was a serious
child, but also that he loved boxing, wrestling, running and
falconry, that he was a good ballplayer and that he loved to
hunt. None of these are surprising occupations in an upperclass youth.

Book 1 of the Meditations offers glimpses of Marcus’s
schooling, and we can fill out the picture by what is known
of upper-class education generally at this period. His first
instructors, like the unnamed teacher mentioned in
Meditations 1.5, were probably slaves, from whom he
would have mastered the rudiments of reading and writing.
At a later stage he would have been handed over to private
tutors to be introduced to literature, especially, no doubt,
Vergil’s great epic, the Aeneid. But literature served only as
a preparation for the real goal. This was rhetoric, the key to
an active political career under the empire, as it had been
under the Republic. Under the supervision of a trained rhetor,
Marcus would have begun with short exercises before
progressing to full-scale practice declamations in which he
would have been asked to defend one side or another in
imaginary law cases, or to advise a prominent historical
figure at a turning point in his career. (Should Caesar cross
the Rubicon? Should Alexander turn back at the Indus? Why or why not?)

Such training was conducted in Greek as well as Latin.
Since at least the beginning of the first century B.C. the
Roman upper classes had been essentially bilingual, and
Marcus’s spoken and written Greek would have been as
fluent as the French of a nineteenth-century Russian aristocrat
or the Chinese of a Heian Japanese courtier. Marcus would
have read Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey and the tragedies of
Euripides side by side with the Aeneid, and studied the
speeches of the great Athenian orator Demosthenes as
intensively as those of the Roman statesman Cicero. It was
Greek writers and artists who constituted the intellectual
elite at the capital; when in later life the emperor conversed
with his court physician, Galen, he would have done so in the
latter’s native tongue. Above all, Greek remained
overwhelmingly the language of philosophy. In the late
Republic and early empire, writers like Lucretius, Cicero
and Seneca had worked to create a philosophical literature in
Latin, with notable success. But the great thinkers—Plato,
Aristotle, Theophrastus, Zeno, Chrysippus, Epicurus, etc.—
had all been Greeks. Serious philosophical investigation
required a familiarity with the language they wrote in and the
terminology they developed. That Marcus composed his own
Meditations in Greek is natural enough.

In 137, when Marcus was sixteen, a crucial event took
place. The reigning emperor, Hadrian, was childless. An
illness had brought him near to death a year previously, and
it was clear that he would not live forever. Hadrian owed his
throne to his adoption by his predecessor and distant
relative, Trajan. Following Trajan’s example, Hadrian had
designated the distinguished aristocrat Lucius Ceionius
Commodus to succeed him. In 137, however, Ceionius died
unexpectedly, and Hadrian was forced to cast about for a
new successor. His choice fell on the childless senator
Antoninus, whom he selected with the proviso that Antoninus
should in turn adopt Marcus (his nephew by marriage) along
with Ceionius’s son Lucius Verus, then aged seven. Marcus
took on the family name of his adopted father, becoming
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus.

Hadrian’s death the following year left Marcus first in line
for the throne. His education and that of the younger Verus
were now matters of still greater concern, and it is clear that
no expense was spared. For training in Greek rhetoric, he
was entrusted to Herodes Atticus, a fabulously wealthy
Athenian rhetorician whose tempestuous relations with his
family, fellow citizens and the imperial court itself would
have furnished ample material for a soap opera. His
instructor in Latin oratory was Marcus Cornelius Fronto, a
prominent rhetorician from Cirta in North Africa. By an
accident of fate, many of Fronto’s letters to Marcus have
survived, and they illustrate the close relationship between
student and teacher. They also suggest Fronto’s regret at
seeing Marcus move away from rhetoric to delve ever more
deeply into philosophy. The first book of the Meditations
pays tribute to a number of philosophers from whom Marcus
learned, both formally and informally, and he is likely to
have studied with or listened to many others.

Marcus would have learned much outside the classroom as
well. For training in legal and political matters, an informal
apprenticeship bound aristocratic youths to older public
figures—men like Junius Rusticus, whose influence Marcus
chronicles in 1.7. But the single greatest influence was surely
Marcus’s adopted father, Antoninus Pius. Marcus would
have watched as Antoninus received embassies, tried legal
cases and dictated letters to his deputies. Meanwhile
Marcus’s own position as heir apparent was signaled in
various ways. In 140 he served as consul (at the age of
nineteen), and would serve again in 145. In the same year he
married Antoninus’s daughter Faustina, to whom he pays
tribute in Meditations 1.17.

Edward Gibbon’s History of the Decline and Fall of the
Roman Empire describes the reign of Antoninus as
“furnishing very few materials for history, which is indeed
little more than the register of the crimes, follies, and
misfortunes of mankind.” It furnishes equally little material
for Marcus’s biography. In the decade and a half between
145 and 161 we learn little of Marcus’s occupations, and our
only glimpses of his inner development come from his
correspondence with Fronto. But the two poles that would
govern the remainder of his life—the court and philosophy—
seem by this point to be fully established. There is no
evidence that Marcus experienced anything like the
“conversion” to philosophy that some ancient figures
experienced (or affected), but it is clear that by the middle to
late 140s philosophy was becoming increasingly central to his life.

On August 31, 161, Antoninus died, leaving Marcus as his
sole successor. Marcus immediately acted to carry out what
appears to have been Hadrian’s original intention (perhaps
ignored by Antoninus) by pushing through the appointment of
his adopted brother, Lucius Verus, as co-regent. Verus’s
character has suffered by comparison with Marcus’s. Ancient
sources, in particular the gossipy Historia Augusta, tend to
paint him as a self-indulgent degenerate—almost another
Nero. This may be unfair; it is certainly not the picture of him
we get from Marcus’s own reminiscences in the
Meditations. It does seem clear, however, that Marcus
functioned as the senior emperor in fact if not name. It would
be surprising if he had not. He was almost a decade older,
and had been trained for the position by Antoninus himself.
What kind of ruler did this philosopher-king prove to be?
Not, perhaps, as different from his predecessors as one might
have expected. Though an emperor was all-powerful in
theory, his ability to control policy was in reality much more
limited. Much of his time was spent fielding problems that
had moved up the administrative ladder: receiving embassies
from the large cities of the empire, trying appeals of criminal
cases, answering queries from provincial governors and
dealing with petitions from individuals. Even with a
functional system of imperial couriers, news could take
weeks to travel from the periphery of the empire to the
center; imperial edicts took time to move down the chain of
command. While the emperor’s decision had the force of
law, enforcement was almost entirely in the hands of
provincial governors, whose diligence might be affected by
incompetence, corruption, or an understandable desire not to
antagonize local elites.

We get occasional glimpses of Marcus’s day-to-day duties
from the evidence of imperial decisions preserved in letters,
inscriptions and the legal codes. Surviving legislation shows
a certain interest in the freeing of slaves and in regulations
relating to the guardianship of orphans. Attempts have been
made to tie the first to Marcus’s philosophical convictions
and the second to his own memories of life without a father.
But it remains unclear how much of the policy is due to
Marcus himself, and how far it differs from that of Marcus’s
predecessor, Antoninus. Perhaps more interesting are the
traces of Marcus’s personality to be discerned in the
phrasing of imperial documents, where we find a scrupulous
attention to detail and a self-consciousness about linguistic
usage that seems to differentiate Marcus from his
predecessors. Neither trait surprises in the author of the
Meditations or a student of Fronto, whose extant letters
place great stress on the quest for the mot juste.

One of Marcus’s priorities was to preserve good relations
with the Senate. The goal was to disguise the absoluteness
with which the emperor ruled: to preserve a facade—and
sometimes, no doubt, even to achieve the reality—of
consensus and cooperation. A hundred years before,
aristocrats might have dreamed of a restored Republic (as
some certainly did). But by the second century it was clear
that there was no alternative to the principate. The Senate
expected deference in public and hoped for influence behind
the scenes; “good” emperors were willing to play along. In
cultivating the upper classes Marcus was following in the
footsteps of Antoninus and Trajan, rather than of Hadrian,
whose relations with the Senate had been prickly. And it is
this, as much as anything else, that is responsible for his
reputation as a benevolent statesman. An emperor might do
as he liked while he lived, but it was the senatorial historians
—men like Cornelius Tacitus in the 120s or Cassius Dio in
the generation after Marcus’s death—who had the last word.
Another area where Marcus’s policy continued that of his
predecessors related to a small and eccentric sect known as
the Christians. In the course of the next century they would
become an increasing problem for the imperial
administration, and they were prominent enough in Marcus’s
day to attract an extended denunciation from a certain Celsus,
part of whose work “Against the Christians” still survives.
The sect met with contempt from those intellectuals who
deigned to take notice of it (Marcus’s tutor Fronto was
evidently one), and with suspicion and hostility from
ordinary citizens and administrators. The Christians’
disfavor stemmed from their failure to acknowledge the gods
worshipped by the community around them. Their
“atheism”—their refusal to accept any god but their own—
endangered their neighbors as well as themselves, and their
reluctance to acknowledge the divine status of the emperor
threatened the social order and the well-being of the state.

Christianity had been illegal since the early second century
when a query from Pliny the Younger (then governor of
Bithynia in Asia Minor) prompted the emperor Trajan to
establish a formal policy: While Christians were not to be
sought out, those who confessed to the faith were to be
executed. But empire-wide persecution did not become a
reality until a much later date. The main threat to Christians
in the second century came from individual provincial
governors, acting either on their own initiative or under
pressure from local communities. In the late 170s, for
example, civic unrest at Lyons resulted in a virtual pogrom of
Greek-speaking Christians resident there. Marcus’s mentor
Junius Rusticus had tried and executed Christians (the
apologist Justin Martyr among them) in his capacity as city
prefect. Marcus himself was no doubt aware of Christianity,
but there is no reason to think that it bulked large in his mind.
The one direct reference to it in the Meditations (11.3) is
almost certainly a later interpolation, and the implicit
references some scholars have discerned are surely illusory.
Marcus, in any case, had more serious concerns than this
troublesome cult. Soon after his accession, relations between
Rome and its only rival, the Parthian empire in the East, took
a dramatic turn for the worse. Since at least the time of
Trajan the two states had been locked in a cold war that
would continue for the next two centuries, and that once a
generation or so flared up into a military conflict. The death
of Antoninus and the accession of two new and untried rulers
may have tempted the Parthian ruler Vologaeses III to test the
waters. In 162 his forces occupied Armenia and wiped out a
Roman garrison that had gone to the rescue. Syria itself was
threatened. Rome had no choice but to respond.

It was Verus, the younger emperor, who was sent east,
where he remained for the next four years. Neither he nor
Marcus had any military experience to speak of (Antoninus’s
peaceful reign had given little scope for it), and the day-today
conduct of the war was no doubt left to the professionals.
After initial setbacks the Romans rallied and, under such
commanders as the dynamic young Avidius Cassius, forced
the Parthians to sue for peace. Parthia would remain a threat,
but one that could be dealt with by diplomatic means for the
immediate future.
Verus and his senior colleague had no time to bask in their
triumph, however. Within a year the empire was in the grip
of a devastating plague, apparently brought back from the
East by Lucius’s troops. Its effects may not have been quite
as apocalyptic as later writers suggest, but the death toll was
certainly high, and it also delayed the emperors’ response to
a second threat. This was the increasing instability on the
empire’s other border, the northern frontier that separated
Rome from the barbarian peoples of Germany, eastern
Europe and Scandinavia. During this period a number of
these tribes were under pressure from peoples farther north
and reacted by moving across the empire’s borders—not for
conquest, but in search of land to settle. Rome’s reaction
alternated between aggressive resistance and attempts at
accommodation; its failure to develop a workable policy
would eventually result in the collapse of the Western empire
some three centuries later.

In some places a line could be drawn. Hadrian’s great
wall, stretching across Britain, was intended to secure the
empire’s most distant frontier; under Antoninus it had been
briefly superseded by a second line farther to the north. But
such fortifications were impracticable on the continent, and it
was there that the threat was concentrated. Rome still
remembered the catastrophe of A.D. 9, when the Roman
general Varus and three legions had marched into the forests
of Germany, never to return. In the second century, the
greatest source of anxiety was the area farther south, roughly
corresponding to modern-day Romania and Hungary.
Trajan’s conquest of Dacia two generations before had
cleared out a possible source of trouble, but the potential for
friction remained. In Marcus’s day three peoples presented a
special problem: the Quadi, the Marcomanni, and the
Jazyges, also called Sarmatians. The removal of three
legions to Parthia had seriously weakened the Roman
position on the northern frontier, and barbarians took
advantage of the situation. In 168, Marcus and Verus
marched north to deal with them.

Much of the remainder of the reign would be spent on
intermittent warfare, first in the so-called Marcomannic
Wars of the early 170s and then in a second campaign later in
that decade. And most of the burden was to be borne by
Marcus alone, for Verus died suddenly (apparently of a
stroke) in early 169. It was a very different kind of war than
the traditional campaign Verus’s armies had waged. The
conventional military and diplomatic tactics that worked
against the Parthians were of limited use here. Instead, the
Romans had to negotiate with individual chieftains whose
authority was limited and whose reliability was always in
doubt. When negotiation failed, the only alternative was a
slow and bloody succession of small-scale engagements
rather than pitched battles. The progress of the campaign is
recorded on the column erected in Rome to commemorate the
close of the Marcomannic Wars. In spite of its triumphal
purpose, the engraved scenes that spiral around the
monument paint a grim picture of brutal fighting, devastation
and execution. “Spiders are proud of catching flies,” Marcus
notes mordantly, “men of catching hares, fish in a net, boars,
bears, Sarmatians” (10.10). The gruesome vignette that opens
Meditations 8.34 (“a severed hand or foot, or a decapitated
head”) may well reflect Marcus’s own experience.

By 175 the Romans seemed to have gained the upper hand.
But at this point disturbing news arrived. Avidius Cassius,
who had distinguished himself as a general during the
Parthian War and who as governor of Syria now served as
virtual regent of the Eastern empire, had revolted and
declared himself emperor. Some of the Eastern provinces
(notably Cappadocia) remained loyal to Marcus, but Cassius
was recognized as emperor throughout much of the East, and
in particular in Egypt, whose grain supply was crucial to the
capital. Civil war seemed inevitable, and was prevented
only by Cassius’s assassination at the hands of a subordinate.
Marcus was nevertheless obliged to travel east to reassert
his authority, taking with him Faustina (who died in the
course of the journey). He visited the major cities of the East,
Antioch and Alexandria, arriving finally at Athens, where he
was initiated into the Eleusinian Mysteries, a set of mystic
rites connected with the worship of Demeter, the goddess of agriculture.

Now in his fifties, Marcus was in declining health, and the
revolt of Cassius had only underlined the need to make
arrangements for the succession. Faustina had borne at least
thirteen children, many of whom had died young. By the mid-
170s, Marcus had only one surviving son, Commodus, just
entering his teens. There was no reason for Marcus to
continue the policy of adoption followed by his
predecessors, and there is no reason to think he even
considered it. The years that follow see Commodus’s rapid
promotion to a position not far short of co-emperor. He was
consul in 177 at the age of fifteen. In the same year he was
accorded all the major imperial privileges, except for the
post of Pontifex Maximus, the head of the Roman state
religion, held by the reigning emperor alone, and for life.
The gains of the Marcomannic Wars had not proved
permanent, and in 178, Marcus and Commodus marched
north again. Two years later Marcus died at age fifty-eight,
the first emperor to pass on the throne to his son since
Vespasian a century before. Sadly, Commodus’s
performance did not bear out whatever promise Marcus had
discerned in him. He was to be remembered as a dissolute
tyrant, a second Caligula or Nero whose many defects were
only emphasized by the contrast with his father. His
assassination after a twelve-year reign would usher in the
first in a series of power struggles that would burden the
empire for the next century.

Table of Contents
Title Page
Half Title Page
Introduction by Gregory Hays
Book 1: Debts and Lessons
Book 2: On the River Gran, Among the Quadi
Book 3: In Carnuntum
Book 4
Book 5
Book 6
Book 7
Book 8
Book 9
Book 10
Book 11
Book 12
Index of Persons
About the Translator
The Modern Library Editorial Board

MODERN LIBRARY and the TORCHBEARER Design are registered trademarks of Random House, Inc.
Marcus Aurelius, Emperor of Rome, 121–180.
[Meditations. English]

B580.H3 M3713 2002
188—dc21 2001057947
Modern Library website address:

Edward T. Hall


1. Spatial behavior. 2. Personal space. 3. Architecture—Psychological aspects. 4. City planning—Psychological aspects.
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Book Details
 126 p
 File Size 
 13,672 KB
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 1966, 1982 by Edward T. Hall 

Generally speaking, two types of books interest the serious
reader: those that are content oriented—designed to convey
a particular body of knowledge—and those that deal with
structure—the way in which events are organized. It is doubtful
if an author has any control over which of these two types
of books he or she writes, though it is desirable to be aware
of the difference. The same applies to the reader whose satisfaction
depends largely on unstated expectations. Today, when
all of us are overwhelmed with data from many sources, it
is easy to understand why people feel that they are losing
touch, even in their own field. In spite of television, or possibly
because of it, people feel a loss of relatedness to the world
at large. Information overload increases the need for organizing
frames of reference to integrate the mass of rapidly changing
information. The Hidden Dimension attempts to provide
such an organizing frame for space as a system of communication,
and for the spatial aspects of architecture and city planning.
Books of this type, since they are independent of disciplinary
lines, are not limited to a particular audience or field.
This lack of disciplinary orientation will disappoint readers
searching for pat answers and those who wish to find everything
classified in terms of content and profession. However,
since space relates to everything, it is inevitable that this book
would cross disciplinary lines.

In writing about my research on people's use of space—
the space that they maintain among themselves and their fellows,
and that they build around themselves in their cities,
their homes, and their offices—my purpose is to bring to
awareness what has been taken for granted. By this means,
I hope to increase self-knowledge and decrease alienation. In
sum, to help introduce people to themselves.

Regarding the organization of the book, I must mention
that as an anthropologist I have made a habit of going back
to the beginning and searching out the biological substructures
from which human behavior springs. This approach underscores
the fact that humankind is first, last, and always a biological
organism. The gulf that separates humans from the
rest of the animal kingdom is not nearly as great as most
people think. Indeed, the more we learn about animals and
the intricate adaptation mechanisms evolution has produced,
the more relevant these studies become for humans in their
search for the solution to many complex human problems.
All of my books deal with the structure of experience as
it is molded by culture, those deep, common, unstated experiences
which members of a given culture share, which they
communicate without knowing, and which form the backdrop
against which all other events are judged. Knowledge of the
cultural dimension as a vast complex of communications on
many levels would be virtually unnecessary if it were not for
two things: our increasing involvements with people in all
parts of the world, and the mixing of subcultures within our
own country as people from rural areas and foreign countries
pour into our cities.

It is increasingly apparent that clashes between cultural systems
are not restricted to international relations. Such clashes
are assuming significant proportions within our own country
and are exacerbated by the overcrowding in cities. Contrary
to popular belief, the many diverse groups that make up our
country have proved to be surprisingly persistent in maintaining
their separate identities. Superficially, these groups may
all look alike and sound somewhat alike, but beneath the
surface are manifold unstated, unformulated differences in
their structuring of time, space, materials, and relationships.
It is these very differences that often result in the distortion
of meaning, regardless of good intentions, when peoples of
different cultures interact.

As a consequence of writing this book, I have been invited
to lecture to hundreds of architectural audiences all over the
United States and to consult on architectural projects. These
talks and consultations have been instructive and constitute
a body of data on social change. One of my objectives has
been to communicate to architects that the spatial experience
is not just visual, but multisensory. And that people differ in
their capacity to visualize—in the quality and intensity of their
visual imagery. Some people cannot visualize a house or a
room or a garden or a street intersection until after the work
has been completed. Architects do not have this problem,
which is why they can be architects, but they forget that their
clients may lack this ability. A third goal was to establish once
and for all that while buildings and towns cannot make up
for social injustice, and much more than good city planning
is needed to make a democracy work, there is still a close
link between mankind and its extensions. No matter what
happens in the world of human beings, it happens in a spatial
setting, and the design of that setting has a deep and persisting
influence on the people in that setting.

My greatest success in promulgating these ideas has been
among the younger architects. Bits and pieces of my research
have been accepted and applied, but not the organizing frame
which includes the idea that everyone receives all information
about the environment through his or her senses. If one wants
to understand the impact of the environment on human beings,
it is necessary to know a great deal about the senses
and how sensory inputs are handled in the brain.

I have always believed in the importance of aesthetics in
architecture, but not at the expense of the people housed in
the buildings. Unfortunately, today most buildings communicate
in no uncertain terms that designing for people is low
on our scale of priorities. All too often architects and planners
are hamstrung by decisions made by financial experts concerned
with "the bottom line." Financial calculations are seldom
based on any understanding of human needs or the ultimate
costs of ignoring them.

People need to know that they are important and that architects
and planners have their welfare in mind, but it is a rare
structure that communicates this basic message. In the context
of international relations, it is also important to know that
the language of space is just as different as the spoken language.
Most important of all, space is one of the basic, underlying
organizational systems for all living things—particularly
for people. Why these statements are true is the subject of this book.

No book reaches a point suitable for publication without
the active cooperation and participation of a great many people,
all essential. There are always particular members of the
team whose roles are more clearly defined and without whose
help the manuscript would never have reached the publisher.
It is the contribution of these people that I wish to acknowledge.
The first need of authors is for someone to stick with them,
to put up with their exasperated impatience when it is pointed
out that they have failed to distinguish clearly between what
they know and what they have written. For me, writing is
something that does not come easily. When I am writing,
everything else stops. This means other people must shoulder
a heavy burden. My first acknowledgment is, as always, to
my wife, Mildred Reed Hall, who is also my partner in my
work and who assisted me in my research in so many ways
that it is often difficult to separate her contributions from my own.

Support for my research has been generously provided by
grants from the National Institute of Mental Health and the
Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. I
wish to make special mention of a unique institution, the
Washington School of Psychiatry. As a Research Fellow of
the school and a member of its faculty for many years, I
profited enormously from my interaction with its creative work.

The following editors aided me in the production of this
manuscript: Roma McNickle; Richard Winslow and Andrea
Balchan of Doubleday; and my wife, Mildred Reed Hall.
Without their help I could not have produced this volume.
I received valuable and loyal assistance from Gudrun Huden
and Judith Yonkers, who also provided the line drawings for this book.

I also wish to acknowledge and thank the following for permission
to quote: Harcourt, Brace & World for Antoine de
St. Exupery's Flight to Arras and Night Flight; Harper &
Row for Mark Twain's Captain Stormfield's Visit to Heaven;
Houghton Mifflin for James J. Gibson's The Perception of
the Visual World; Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., for Franz Kafka's
The Trial and for Yasunari Kawabata's Snow Country,
UNESCO Series of Contemporary Works (Japanese Series),
translated by Edward G. Seidensticker; Language for Edward
Sapir's "The Status of Linguistics as a Science"; Massachusetts
Institute of Technology for Benjamin Lee Whorfs Science
and Linguistics; The Technology Press and John Wiley
& Sons for Benjamin Lee Whorfs Language, Thought, and
Reality; the University of Toronto Press for Edmund Carpenter's
Eskimo; and The Yale Review, Yale University Press
for Edward S. Deevey's "The Hare and the Haruspex: A Cautionary Tale."
Some of the material in Chapter X appeared previously in
my article titled "Silent Assumptions in Social Communication,"
published in the proceedings of the Association for Research
in Nervous and Mental Disease. Permission to use this
material is gratefully acknowledged.


Table of Contents
Spacing Mechanisms in Animals 10
Flight Distance 11
Critical Distance 12
Contact and Non-Contact Species 13
Personal Distance 13
Social Distance 14
Population Control 15
The Stickleback Sequence 16
Malthus Reconsidered 18
The Die-off on James Island 19
Predation and Population 21
Calhoun's Experiments 23
Design of the Experiment 25
Development of the Sink 26
Courting and Sex 27
Nest Building 28
Care of the Young 28
Territoriality and Social Organization 29
Physiological Consequences of the Sink 30
Aggressive Behavior 30
The Sink that Didn't Develop 31
Summary of Calhoun's Experiments 31
The Biochemistry of Crowding 32
Exocrinology 33
The Sugar-Bank Model 34
The Adrenals and Stress 35
The Uses of Stress 39
Visual and Auditory Space 42
Olfactory Space 45
The Chemical Basis of Olfaction 46
Olfaction in Humans 49
Hidden Zones in American Offices 52
Thermal Space 54
Tactile Space 60
Vision as Synthesis 66
The Seeing Mechanism 70
Stereoscopic Vision 73
Contrast of Contemporary Cultures 79
Art as a History of Perception 80
Literature as a Key to Perception 94
Fixed-Feature Space 103
Semifixed-Feature Space 108
Informal Space 111
The Dynamism of Space 114
Intimate Distance 116
Personal Distance 119
Social Distance 121
Public Distance 123
Why "Four" Distances? 125
The Germans 131
Germans and Intrusions 132
The "Private Sphere" 134
Order in Space 136
The English 138
Using the Telephone 140
Neighbors 141
Whose Room Is the Bedroom? 142
Talking Loud and Soft 142
Eye Behavior 143
The French 144
Home and Family 144
French Use of Open Spaces 146
The Star and the Grid 146
Japan 149
How Crowded Is Crowded? 152
The Japanese Concept of Space Including
the Ma 152
The Arab World 154
Behavior in Public 154
Concepts of Privacy 157
Arab Personal Distances 159
Facing and Not Facing 160
Involvement 162
Feelings about Enclosed Spaces 162
Boundaries 163
The Need for Controls 167
Psychology and Architecture 169
Pathology and Overcrowding 171
Monochronic and Polychronic Time 173
The Automobile Syndrome 174
Contained Community Buildings 177
Prospectus for City Planning of the Future 178
Form vs. Function, Content vs. Structure 182
Man's Biological Past 184
The Need for Answers 186
You Can't Shed Culture 188
Summary of James Gibson's Thirteen Varieties of
Perspective as Abstracted from The Perception of
the Visual World



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