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Marcus Aurelius

A New Translation, with an Introduction, by Gregory Hays

THE MODERN LIBRARY

1. Ethics. 2. Stoics. 3. Life.


Meditations
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ABOUT THE TRANSLATOR
GREGORY HAYS is assistant professor of classics at the
University of Virginia. He has published articles and
reviews on various ancient writers and is currently
completing a translation and critical study of the
mythographer Fulgentius.
....

Introduction

Marcus Aurelius Antoninus
States will never be happy until rulers become philosophers or philosophers become rulers.
—PLATO, The Republic

Marcus Aurelius is said to have been fond of quoting Plato’s
dictum, and those who have written about him have rarely
been able to resist applying it to Marcus himself. And
indeed, if we seek Plato’s philosopher-king in the flesh we
could hardly do better than Marcus, the ruler of the Roman
Empire for almost two decades and author of the immortal
Meditations. Yet the title is one that Marcus himself would
surely have rejected. He never thought of himself as a
philosopher. He would have claimed to be, at best, a diligent
student and a very imperfect practitioner of a philosophy
developed by others. As for the imperial throne, that came
almost by accident. When Marcus Annius Verus was born, in
A.D. 121, bystanders might have predicted a distinguished
career in the Senate or the imperial administration. They
could hardly have guessed that he was destined for the
imperial purple, or seen in their mind’s eye the lonely bronze
horseman whose upraised hand greets us from the Capitoline
hill in Rome across two thousand years.

Marcus sprang from a distinguished enough family. The
year of his birth coincided with his grandfather’s second
tenure of the consulship, in theory Rome’s highest office,
though now of largely ceremonial importance. And it was to
be his grandfather who brought him up, for his father died
when he was very young. Marcus makes reference in the
Meditations to his father’s character as he remembered it or
heard of it from others, but his knowledge must have been
more from stories than from actual memories. Of the
remainder of his childhood and his early adolescence we
know little more than can be gleaned from the Meditations.
The biography of him in the so-called Historia Augusta (a
curious and unreliable work of the late fourth century
probably based on a lost series of lives by the third-century
biographer Marius Maximus) tells us that he was a serious
child, but also that he loved boxing, wrestling, running and
falconry, that he was a good ballplayer and that he loved to
hunt. None of these are surprising occupations in an upperclass youth.

Book 1 of the Meditations offers glimpses of Marcus’s
schooling, and we can fill out the picture by what is known
of upper-class education generally at this period. His first
instructors, like the unnamed teacher mentioned in
Meditations 1.5, were probably slaves, from whom he
would have mastered the rudiments of reading and writing.
At a later stage he would have been handed over to private
tutors to be introduced to literature, especially, no doubt,
Vergil’s great epic, the Aeneid. But literature served only as
a preparation for the real goal. This was rhetoric, the key to
an active political career under the empire, as it had been
under the Republic. Under the supervision of a trained rhetor,
Marcus would have begun with short exercises before
progressing to full-scale practice declamations in which he
would have been asked to defend one side or another in
imaginary law cases, or to advise a prominent historical
figure at a turning point in his career. (Should Caesar cross
the Rubicon? Should Alexander turn back at the Indus? Why or why not?)

Such training was conducted in Greek as well as Latin.
Since at least the beginning of the first century B.C. the
Roman upper classes had been essentially bilingual, and
Marcus’s spoken and written Greek would have been as
fluent as the French of a nineteenth-century Russian aristocrat
or the Chinese of a Heian Japanese courtier. Marcus would
have read Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey and the tragedies of
Euripides side by side with the Aeneid, and studied the
speeches of the great Athenian orator Demosthenes as
intensively as those of the Roman statesman Cicero. It was
Greek writers and artists who constituted the intellectual
elite at the capital; when in later life the emperor conversed
with his court physician, Galen, he would have done so in the
latter’s native tongue. Above all, Greek remained
overwhelmingly the language of philosophy. In the late
Republic and early empire, writers like Lucretius, Cicero
and Seneca had worked to create a philosophical literature in
Latin, with notable success. But the great thinkers—Plato,
Aristotle, Theophrastus, Zeno, Chrysippus, Epicurus, etc.—
had all been Greeks. Serious philosophical investigation
required a familiarity with the language they wrote in and the
terminology they developed. That Marcus composed his own
Meditations in Greek is natural enough.

In 137, when Marcus was sixteen, a crucial event took
place. The reigning emperor, Hadrian, was childless. An
illness had brought him near to death a year previously, and
it was clear that he would not live forever. Hadrian owed his
throne to his adoption by his predecessor and distant
relative, Trajan. Following Trajan’s example, Hadrian had
designated the distinguished aristocrat Lucius Ceionius
Commodus to succeed him. In 137, however, Ceionius died
unexpectedly, and Hadrian was forced to cast about for a
new successor. His choice fell on the childless senator
Antoninus, whom he selected with the proviso that Antoninus
should in turn adopt Marcus (his nephew by marriage) along
with Ceionius’s son Lucius Verus, then aged seven. Marcus
took on the family name of his adopted father, becoming
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus.

Hadrian’s death the following year left Marcus first in line
for the throne. His education and that of the younger Verus
were now matters of still greater concern, and it is clear that
no expense was spared. For training in Greek rhetoric, he
was entrusted to Herodes Atticus, a fabulously wealthy
Athenian rhetorician whose tempestuous relations with his
family, fellow citizens and the imperial court itself would
have furnished ample material for a soap opera. His
instructor in Latin oratory was Marcus Cornelius Fronto, a
prominent rhetorician from Cirta in North Africa. By an
accident of fate, many of Fronto’s letters to Marcus have
survived, and they illustrate the close relationship between
student and teacher. They also suggest Fronto’s regret at
seeing Marcus move away from rhetoric to delve ever more
deeply into philosophy. The first book of the Meditations
pays tribute to a number of philosophers from whom Marcus
learned, both formally and informally, and he is likely to
have studied with or listened to many others.

Marcus would have learned much outside the classroom as
well. For training in legal and political matters, an informal
apprenticeship bound aristocratic youths to older public
figures—men like Junius Rusticus, whose influence Marcus
chronicles in 1.7. But the single greatest influence was surely
Marcus’s adopted father, Antoninus Pius. Marcus would
have watched as Antoninus received embassies, tried legal
cases and dictated letters to his deputies. Meanwhile
Marcus’s own position as heir apparent was signaled in
various ways. In 140 he served as consul (at the age of
nineteen), and would serve again in 145. In the same year he
married Antoninus’s daughter Faustina, to whom he pays
tribute in Meditations 1.17.

Edward Gibbon’s History of the Decline and Fall of the
Roman Empire describes the reign of Antoninus as
“furnishing very few materials for history, which is indeed
little more than the register of the crimes, follies, and
misfortunes of mankind.” It furnishes equally little material
for Marcus’s biography. In the decade and a half between
145 and 161 we learn little of Marcus’s occupations, and our
only glimpses of his inner development come from his
correspondence with Fronto. But the two poles that would
govern the remainder of his life—the court and philosophy—
seem by this point to be fully established. There is no
evidence that Marcus experienced anything like the
“conversion” to philosophy that some ancient figures
experienced (or affected), but it is clear that by the middle to
late 140s philosophy was becoming increasingly central to his life.

On August 31, 161, Antoninus died, leaving Marcus as his
sole successor. Marcus immediately acted to carry out what
appears to have been Hadrian’s original intention (perhaps
ignored by Antoninus) by pushing through the appointment of
his adopted brother, Lucius Verus, as co-regent. Verus’s
character has suffered by comparison with Marcus’s. Ancient
sources, in particular the gossipy Historia Augusta, tend to
paint him as a self-indulgent degenerate—almost another
Nero. This may be unfair; it is certainly not the picture of him
we get from Marcus’s own reminiscences in the
Meditations. It does seem clear, however, that Marcus
functioned as the senior emperor in fact if not name. It would
be surprising if he had not. He was almost a decade older,
and had been trained for the position by Antoninus himself.
What kind of ruler did this philosopher-king prove to be?
Not, perhaps, as different from his predecessors as one might
have expected. Though an emperor was all-powerful in
theory, his ability to control policy was in reality much more
limited. Much of his time was spent fielding problems that
had moved up the administrative ladder: receiving embassies
from the large cities of the empire, trying appeals of criminal
cases, answering queries from provincial governors and
dealing with petitions from individuals. Even with a
functional system of imperial couriers, news could take
weeks to travel from the periphery of the empire to the
center; imperial edicts took time to move down the chain of
command. While the emperor’s decision had the force of
law, enforcement was almost entirely in the hands of
provincial governors, whose diligence might be affected by
incompetence, corruption, or an understandable desire not to
antagonize local elites.

We get occasional glimpses of Marcus’s day-to-day duties
from the evidence of imperial decisions preserved in letters,
inscriptions and the legal codes. Surviving legislation shows
a certain interest in the freeing of slaves and in regulations
relating to the guardianship of orphans. Attempts have been
made to tie the first to Marcus’s philosophical convictions
and the second to his own memories of life without a father.
But it remains unclear how much of the policy is due to
Marcus himself, and how far it differs from that of Marcus’s
predecessor, Antoninus. Perhaps more interesting are the
traces of Marcus’s personality to be discerned in the
phrasing of imperial documents, where we find a scrupulous
attention to detail and a self-consciousness about linguistic
usage that seems to differentiate Marcus from his
predecessors. Neither trait surprises in the author of the
Meditations or a student of Fronto, whose extant letters
place great stress on the quest for the mot juste.

One of Marcus’s priorities was to preserve good relations
with the Senate. The goal was to disguise the absoluteness
with which the emperor ruled: to preserve a facade—and
sometimes, no doubt, even to achieve the reality—of
consensus and cooperation. A hundred years before,
aristocrats might have dreamed of a restored Republic (as
some certainly did). But by the second century it was clear
that there was no alternative to the principate. The Senate
expected deference in public and hoped for influence behind
the scenes; “good” emperors were willing to play along. In
cultivating the upper classes Marcus was following in the
footsteps of Antoninus and Trajan, rather than of Hadrian,
whose relations with the Senate had been prickly. And it is
this, as much as anything else, that is responsible for his
reputation as a benevolent statesman. An emperor might do
as he liked while he lived, but it was the senatorial historians
—men like Cornelius Tacitus in the 120s or Cassius Dio in
the generation after Marcus’s death—who had the last word.
Another area where Marcus’s policy continued that of his
predecessors related to a small and eccentric sect known as
the Christians. In the course of the next century they would
become an increasing problem for the imperial
administration, and they were prominent enough in Marcus’s
day to attract an extended denunciation from a certain Celsus,
part of whose work “Against the Christians” still survives.
The sect met with contempt from those intellectuals who
deigned to take notice of it (Marcus’s tutor Fronto was
evidently one), and with suspicion and hostility from
ordinary citizens and administrators. The Christians’
disfavor stemmed from their failure to acknowledge the gods
worshipped by the community around them. Their
“atheism”—their refusal to accept any god but their own—
endangered their neighbors as well as themselves, and their
reluctance to acknowledge the divine status of the emperor
threatened the social order and the well-being of the state.

Christianity had been illegal since the early second century
when a query from Pliny the Younger (then governor of
Bithynia in Asia Minor) prompted the emperor Trajan to
establish a formal policy: While Christians were not to be
sought out, those who confessed to the faith were to be
executed. But empire-wide persecution did not become a
reality until a much later date. The main threat to Christians
in the second century came from individual provincial
governors, acting either on their own initiative or under
pressure from local communities. In the late 170s, for
example, civic unrest at Lyons resulted in a virtual pogrom of
Greek-speaking Christians resident there. Marcus’s mentor
Junius Rusticus had tried and executed Christians (the
apologist Justin Martyr among them) in his capacity as city
prefect. Marcus himself was no doubt aware of Christianity,
but there is no reason to think that it bulked large in his mind.
The one direct reference to it in the Meditations (11.3) is
almost certainly a later interpolation, and the implicit
references some scholars have discerned are surely illusory.
Marcus, in any case, had more serious concerns than this
troublesome cult. Soon after his accession, relations between
Rome and its only rival, the Parthian empire in the East, took
a dramatic turn for the worse. Since at least the time of
Trajan the two states had been locked in a cold war that
would continue for the next two centuries, and that once a
generation or so flared up into a military conflict. The death
of Antoninus and the accession of two new and untried rulers
may have tempted the Parthian ruler Vologaeses III to test the
waters. In 162 his forces occupied Armenia and wiped out a
Roman garrison that had gone to the rescue. Syria itself was
threatened. Rome had no choice but to respond.

It was Verus, the younger emperor, who was sent east,
where he remained for the next four years. Neither he nor
Marcus had any military experience to speak of (Antoninus’s
peaceful reign had given little scope for it), and the day-today
conduct of the war was no doubt left to the professionals.
After initial setbacks the Romans rallied and, under such
commanders as the dynamic young Avidius Cassius, forced
the Parthians to sue for peace. Parthia would remain a threat,
but one that could be dealt with by diplomatic means for the
immediate future.
Verus and his senior colleague had no time to bask in their
triumph, however. Within a year the empire was in the grip
of a devastating plague, apparently brought back from the
East by Lucius’s troops. Its effects may not have been quite
as apocalyptic as later writers suggest, but the death toll was
certainly high, and it also delayed the emperors’ response to
a second threat. This was the increasing instability on the
empire’s other border, the northern frontier that separated
Rome from the barbarian peoples of Germany, eastern
Europe and Scandinavia. During this period a number of
these tribes were under pressure from peoples farther north
and reacted by moving across the empire’s borders—not for
conquest, but in search of land to settle. Rome’s reaction
alternated between aggressive resistance and attempts at
accommodation; its failure to develop a workable policy
would eventually result in the collapse of the Western empire
some three centuries later.

In some places a line could be drawn. Hadrian’s great
wall, stretching across Britain, was intended to secure the
empire’s most distant frontier; under Antoninus it had been
briefly superseded by a second line farther to the north. But
such fortifications were impracticable on the continent, and it
was there that the threat was concentrated. Rome still
remembered the catastrophe of A.D. 9, when the Roman
general Varus and three legions had marched into the forests
of Germany, never to return. In the second century, the
greatest source of anxiety was the area farther south, roughly
corresponding to modern-day Romania and Hungary.
Trajan’s conquest of Dacia two generations before had
cleared out a possible source of trouble, but the potential for
friction remained. In Marcus’s day three peoples presented a
special problem: the Quadi, the Marcomanni, and the
Jazyges, also called Sarmatians. The removal of three
legions to Parthia had seriously weakened the Roman
position on the northern frontier, and barbarians took
advantage of the situation. In 168, Marcus and Verus
marched north to deal with them.

Much of the remainder of the reign would be spent on
intermittent warfare, first in the so-called Marcomannic
Wars of the early 170s and then in a second campaign later in
that decade. And most of the burden was to be borne by
Marcus alone, for Verus died suddenly (apparently of a
stroke) in early 169. It was a very different kind of war than
the traditional campaign Verus’s armies had waged. The
conventional military and diplomatic tactics that worked
against the Parthians were of limited use here. Instead, the
Romans had to negotiate with individual chieftains whose
authority was limited and whose reliability was always in
doubt. When negotiation failed, the only alternative was a
slow and bloody succession of small-scale engagements
rather than pitched battles. The progress of the campaign is
recorded on the column erected in Rome to commemorate the
close of the Marcomannic Wars. In spite of its triumphal
purpose, the engraved scenes that spiral around the
monument paint a grim picture of brutal fighting, devastation
and execution. “Spiders are proud of catching flies,” Marcus
notes mordantly, “men of catching hares, fish in a net, boars,
bears, Sarmatians” (10.10). The gruesome vignette that opens
Meditations 8.34 (“a severed hand or foot, or a decapitated
head”) may well reflect Marcus’s own experience.

By 175 the Romans seemed to have gained the upper hand.
But at this point disturbing news arrived. Avidius Cassius,
who had distinguished himself as a general during the
Parthian War and who as governor of Syria now served as
virtual regent of the Eastern empire, had revolted and
declared himself emperor. Some of the Eastern provinces
(notably Cappadocia) remained loyal to Marcus, but Cassius
was recognized as emperor throughout much of the East, and
in particular in Egypt, whose grain supply was crucial to the
capital. Civil war seemed inevitable, and was prevented
only by Cassius’s assassination at the hands of a subordinate.
Marcus was nevertheless obliged to travel east to reassert
his authority, taking with him Faustina (who died in the
course of the journey). He visited the major cities of the East,
Antioch and Alexandria, arriving finally at Athens, where he
was initiated into the Eleusinian Mysteries, a set of mystic
rites connected with the worship of Demeter, the goddess of agriculture.

Now in his fifties, Marcus was in declining health, and the
revolt of Cassius had only underlined the need to make
arrangements for the succession. Faustina had borne at least
thirteen children, many of whom had died young. By the mid-
170s, Marcus had only one surviving son, Commodus, just
entering his teens. There was no reason for Marcus to
continue the policy of adoption followed by his
predecessors, and there is no reason to think he even
considered it. The years that follow see Commodus’s rapid
promotion to a position not far short of co-emperor. He was
consul in 177 at the age of fifteen. In the same year he was
accorded all the major imperial privileges, except for the
post of Pontifex Maximus, the head of the Roman state
religion, held by the reigning emperor alone, and for life.
The gains of the Marcomannic Wars had not proved
permanent, and in 178, Marcus and Commodus marched
north again. Two years later Marcus died at age fifty-eight,
the first emperor to pass on the throne to his son since
Vespasian a century before. Sadly, Commodus’s
performance did not bear out whatever promise Marcus had
discerned in him. He was to be remembered as a dissolute
tyrant, a second Caligula or Nero whose many defects were
only emphasized by the contrast with his father. His
assassination after a twelve-year reign would usher in the
first in a series of power struggles that would burden the
empire for the next century.
....


Table of Contents
Title Page
Chronology
Half Title Page
Introduction by Gregory Hays
Meditations
Book 1: Debts and Lessons
Book 2: On the River Gran, Among the Quadi
Book 3: In Carnuntum
Book 4
Book 5
Book 6
Book 7
Book 8
Book 9
Book 10
Book 11
Book 12
Notes
Index of Persons
About the Translator
The Modern Library Editorial Board
Copyright


Screenbook
Meditations
....
MODERN LIBRARY and the TORCHBEARER Design are registered trademarks of Random House, Inc.
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA
Marcus Aurelius, Emperor of Rome, 121–180.
[Meditations. English]

B580.H3 M3713 2002
188—dc21 2001057947
Modern Library website address: www.modernlibrary.com

More than 350.000 Copies in print!

F.F. Bosworth

Foreword by R. V. Bosworth


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AUTHOR'S PREFACE
When, in the year 1924, we wrote the messages for the first
edition of this book, little did we dream that the truths presented
were to bless such vast numbers in so many parts of the world.
The results, down through the years, have been a demonstration
of the truth of the inspired declaration that God "is able to do
exceeding abundantly above all that we ask or think" (Eph. 3:20).
During the forty-four years that have followed, six more
large editions have been printed and read by thousands of
ministers and laymen who have written to us telling how they
have been enlightened and blessed, soul and body, through
reading and rereading these messages.

In this book we have tried to use the vocabulary common
people understand. A continual stream of testimonies comes to
us from those soundly converted and miraculously healed
through their own faith, which came to them while reading and
meditating on the truths of the Bible, which we have tried to make plain.

We have proved thousands of times, and are continuing to
prove, that by the simple presentation of enough of the written
Word of God to the minds and hearts of the incurably afflicted,
they can be brought to the same state of certainty and assurance
concerning the healing of their body as to the healing of their soul.

We are therefore increasingly thrilled over the privilege of
planting the "incorruptible seed," the Word of God, in the hearts
of those for whom Jesus died. O what a glorious fact that we
have each been "bought with a price" to be the Lord's garden in
which His "imperishable seed," the Word, is to be continually
"planted," "watered," and "cultivated," so that it can produce
present and eternal wonders.

In the "seed" there are possibilities beyond the power of the
human mind to conceive, just as in a little seed there is a
potential tree a million times bigger than the seed. All of God's
wonderful works are potentially in the seed. By keeping God's
garden planted, as the farmer does his fields, a child of God can
accomplish things a thousand times greater than men of the
highest human talents can accomplish, by receiving His promises.

We have found that those who have tuned in the broadcasts
of the National Radio Revival, most of whom we have never
seen, by reading the healing and other literature we have
published, get a much broader understanding than those who
hear only an occasional message in our public meetings. Because
they can be reread and studied, our messages in printed form
produce better results in the souls and bodies of those for whom
we pray than in some who attend our meetings and desire to be
prayed for before they hear enough of the Word of God to produce faith.

This book is sent out with the earnest prayer that many
thousands more may learn to appropriate the many blessings
promised in the Bible. "We desire that every one of you ..... [
followers of them who through faith and patience inherit the
promises" (Heb. 6:11-12).
F. F. Bosworth
....

THE ULTIMATE TRIUMPH
by Bob Bosworth
T. B., "galloping" consumption —the prognosis was a death
warrant. The future became bleak. In those days, there was no
cure for this killer disease in its later stages.
Fred Bosworth was on his way to Fitzgerald, Georgia, to say
goodbye to his parents. The doctors had warned that he would
probably not live long enough to make the trip, but God had His
hand on this young man. He arrived in a dying condition, but
still alive.

Healed by God's Power
Bosworth met a Methodist woman, a "Bible woman," who
used to walk the hills of Georgia and the Carolinas selling Bibles
and preaching the Gospel. Mattie Perry looked intently at him
and said, "Fred Bosworth, you are young. You are a Christian,
and if you died today, you would go straight to Heaven. But I
am here to tell you that if you die today, it will be the most
selfish act you have ever committed. God's plan is that we
should live to be at least three score and ten (Ps. 90:10). What
about all the people that God has ordained for you to reach?"
Young F. F. Bosworth said, "Miss Perry, would you pray for
me?" She said, "I wouldn't waste my prayers on someone who is
just going to lay there and die." Fred thought, "If I lay here, I am
going to die. If I get up, I can't do any worse than that." He told
Miss Perry that if she would pray for him, he would get up. She
prayed for him, he got up, and was instantly healed.

A New Future
Fred Bosworth had no way of knowing the long, difficult,
and glorious road ahead of him. He did not know that God
would call him to preach, make him successful, and take him to
other countries of the world. Little did he know that his own
healing was a seed that would bear much fruit.
At the time of his healing, there was little biblical teaching on
God's attitude toward sickness, but there was a lot of theological
tradition that excluded healing in the Atonement. Praying for
sickness with the faith destroying words, "if it be Thy will," left
the sick and suffering without a solid hope.
After God called him into ministry, during personal study
throughout the Old and New Testament, Bosworth received the
revelation that healing was in the Atonement, and, therefore,
part of the Gospel. When he discovered this truth, he vowed to
God that he would never again base his faith and doctrine on
human experience or man's teaching. He would base his faith
only on what God said in His Word. He would pray for the sick
only on that basis; if they dropped dead when he prayed for
them, he would step over the dead body and pray for the next one.

The Sunset Years
Finally, after a rich and successful life and ministry, F. F.
Bosworth began his sunset years. His compassion for those who
were sick and suffering had driven him. Often he would pray for
the sick all day and all night, never sparing himself. In weariness
and deep fatigue he began to feel the effects of an overloaded
ministry schedule through the years—it was as if he had already
lived two lives. During World War II, with gas rationing, he was
very restricted in his ability to travel to meetings. Yet it was
difficult not to be preaching continually.

Restored—The Second Wind
There was a period of frustration. Was his ministry over?
Had he run his course? He did not believe in the worldly
doctrine of retirement. What was he to do? As he prayed and
waited, God raised up a healing revival following the war. Many
evangelists were raised up who needed the experience and
wisdom of a mentor. He again began to teach the truths he knew,
and found great satisfaction. This was just the beginning.

Breaking Free—Overseas Ministry
In 1952, at the age of seventy-five,
F. F. Bosworth went to
South Africa as part of a team of three evangelists. He was part
of the greatest ministry that ever hit that emerging nation. At the
Greyville Race Course in the city of Durban, the team had the
greatest religious gatherings ever held in that country. The
newspapers estimated that there were crowds of 75,000, with
25,000 turned away—there was not enough room to
accommodate the crowds. Thousands of hungry seekers, from
every religious, ethnic, and language grouping, were saved and healed.
This was the first time that Fred Bosworth had ever
experienced the spiritual hunger of what had been termed "the
third world." For almost fifty years he had poured out his life in
North America, a place that had become resistant to the Gospel.
He asked the Lord to not allow him to continue ministering in America.
After the age of seventy-five,
F. F. Bosworth ministered for
five consecutive years in intensive evangelism in different
countries of the world. He again drew on God's "abundant" life
as God renewed his vision and the strength of his youth.

The Ultimate Triumph
In 1958 Fred Bosworth returned from a year of meetings up
and down the mountains of Japan. In January he turned eighty-
one. His family was surprised to see him retire to his bed. When
asked what he was doing, he explained that God had shown him
that he had "finished his course," his ministry was finished, and
it was time to go Home. He said, "I sure don't want to hang
around down here!" All the children came home, for the first
time in sixteen years, and there was a great final reunion.
My father,
F. F. Bosworth, had prayed, asking God to help
him glorify God in his death as he had in his life—to die without
sickness. About three weeks after he took to his bed, we were
around the bed talking, laughing, singing. Suddenly Dad looked
up; he never saw us again. He saw what was invisible to us. He
began to greet people and hug people—he was enraptured.
Every once in a while he would break off and look around
saying, "Oh, it is so beautiful."
He did this for several hours. Finally, with a smile on his
face, he put his head back and slept. We took turns sitting with
him. My wife, Stella, was sitting with him when she suddenly
realized that he had stopped breathing. There had been no
struggle, no pain, no sound, no death rattle. The psalmist had
described it correctly—God had simply removed his breath and
he was home! "O death, where is thy sting? O grave, where is thy
victory?" This is the testimony and ultimate triumph of F. F.
Bosworth and CHRIST, THE HEALER.
....


Table of Contents
Foreword to the 2000 Edition 7
Foreword to the 1973 Edition 11
Author's Preface 13

Sermon 1 To Those Needing Healing 15
Sermon 2 Did Jesus Redeem Us from Our Diseases When He Atoned for Our Sins? 23
Sermon 3 Is Healing for All? 47
Sermon 4 The Lord's Compassion 67
Sermon 5 How to Appropriate the Redemptive and Covenant Blessing of Bodily Healing 83
Sermon 6 Appropriating Faith 105
Sermon 7 How to Receive Healing from Christ 111
Sermon 8 How to Have Your Prayers Answered 125
Sermon 9 The Faith That Takes 129
Sermon 10 Our Confession 135
Sermon 11 Fullness of God's Life The Secret of Victory 145
Sermon 12 God's Garden 151
Sermon 13 Why Some Fail to Receive Healing from Christ 159
Sermon 14 Paul’s Thorn 183

Thirty-one Questions 199
Testimonies 205
The Ultimate Triumph
by Bob Bosworth 231


Screenbook
Christ the Healer.FFBosworth
....
Published by Fleming H. Revell
a division of Baker Book House Company
P.O. Box 6287, Grand Rapids, MI 49516-6287

Printed in the United States of America

Bosworth, Fred Francis, 1877-1958.
Christ the healer.

For current information about all releases from Baker Book House, visit our web
site:

Seven Books of Wisdom of the Great Path Arranged

edited by W. Y. Evans-Wentz

Foreword by DR. MARET

Yogic Commentary by TRANSLATOR-PROFESSOR C H E N - C H I C H A NG


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 W. Y. Evans-Wentz, 1958

WISDOM-TEACHINGS AND GOOD-WISHES OF THE ADI-BUDDHA SAMANTA-BHADRA
'The Foundation of all is uncreated, uncompounded, independent,
beyond mental concept and verbal definition. Neither the term Sangsara
nor the term Nirvana can be applied to It. To realize It is to attain
Buddhahood. Not to realize It is to wander in the Sangsara. . . .
'Not knowing the Foundation, beings aforetime erred. They were
overwhelmed by the darkness of unconsciousness, whence sprang ignorance
and error. Immersed in error and obscured by ignorance, the
"knower" became bewildered and afraid. Then arose the concepts
" I " and "Others'', together with hatred. When these had grown
strong, there was born an unbroken current of sangsaric evolution. Then
the ''five poisons" of the obscuring passions, lust, anger, selfishness,
delusion, and jealousy, flourished, and there was produced an interminable
chain of evil karma.
'The root-source of error among sentient beings is thus unconscious
ignorance. And, in virtue of the power of the Good-Wishes of Me, the
Adi-Buddha, may each of them realize the radiant, immaculate mind,
innate in every living thing.'
From The Good-Wishes of the All-Good Buddha Samanta-Bhadia
(Lama Kazi Dawa-Samdup's Translation).
....

Seven Books of Wisdom of the Great Path
Arranged and edited by W. Y. Evans-Wentz
Seven authentic Tibetan yoga texts, almost unknown to the occidental
world until their first publication in English in 1935, are now available
in this Galaxy Book edition. A companion to the unique Tibetan Book
of the Dead (GB 39), which the late Dr. Evans-Wentz also edited, this
volume, illustrated with photographs and reproductions of yoga paintings
and manuscripts, contains some of the principal meditations used by
illustrious Hindu and Tibetan gurus and philosophers through the ages
in attaining Right Knowledge and Enlightenment. The editor, whose
inquiry and research extended through more .than fifteen years in the
Orient, spent much time as a pupil of Hindu sages and Buddhist lamas.
He has included a body of orally transmitted tradition and teachings
received at first hand. These will be of particular interest to anthropologists
and psychologists, and to students of comparative religion and
practically applied Mahayana Yoga. Special commentaries precede each
carefully rendered text, and a comprehensive preface contrasts the tenets
of Buddhism with European concepts of religion, philosophy, and science.
Yoga, the tap root of Hinduism, Jainism, Zen Buddhism, and Taoism,
has also influenced the development of Judaism, Islam and Christianity.
These seven distinct but intimately related books, arranged in orderly
sequence, afford a comprehensive view of the spiritual teachings which
have shaped the culture of the Orient, and which are now increasingly
enriching the West's appreciation of the depths of the human psyche.
The late W. Y. Evans-Wentz, formerly of Jesus College, Oxford, is
also the editor of The Tibetan Book of the Dead (GB 39), The Tibetan
Book of the Great Liberation (GB 260), and Tibet's Great Yogi,
Milarepa (GB 294). His substantial tetralogy of works on yoga, based
on translations from the Tibetan, offers an "interpretation from within"
rarely found in the works of Western scholars. During the early years
of this century Dr. Evans-Wentz lived in India and in Sikkim, at the
invitation at the Maharaja Sidkyong Tulku, 
where he studied occult doctrines intensively.
....


Table of Contents
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION vii
DESCRIPTION OF ILLUSTRATIONS xviii
FOREWORD: From the Celtic Faith in Fairies to the Tibetan
Science of Yoga, by Dr. R. R. Marett xxii
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION . . . . xxv
YOGIC COMMENTARY, by Translator-Professor Chen-Chi Chang xxvii
GENERAL INTRODUCTION 1
I. The Importance and Original Sources of this Volume . I
II. The Commentary 3
III. Some Misconceptions Concerning Buddhism . . . 3
IV. The Incompleteness of the Occident's Knowledge of Buddhism 9
V. The Joyous Optimism of Buddhism 10
VI. The Wisdom of the Mahayana 14
VII. The Yoga Philosophy 21
VIII. Yoga and Religion 35
IX. Buddhistic Yoga .38
X. The Psychology o f the Yogic Visualizations . . . 44
XI. Karma and Rebirth 46
XII. The Exoteric Versus the Esoteric Teachings . . . 49
XIII. The Translating and Editing o f the Texts . . . 51
XIV. The Unity and Practical Value of the Texts 53
XV. The New Renaissance and the Masters of Wisdom. . 54

BOOK I
THE SUPREME PATH OF DISCIPLESHIP: THE
PRECEPTS OF THE GURUS
THE INTRODUCTION -57
I. The Book's Compiler and his Fellow Disciple . . . 57
II. The Transmission of the Teachings 58
III. The Texts of The Precious Rosary 59
IV. The Precepts Compared with Elegant Sayings' . . 60
THE OBEISANCE AND FOREWORD 67
THE TWENTY-EIGHT CATEGORIES OF YOGIC PRECEPTS 67
I. The Ten Causes of Regret 67
II, The Ten Requirements 68
III. The Ten Things to be Done 69
IV. The Ten Things to be Avoided 70
V. The Ten Things Not t o b e Avoided . . . . 70
VI. The Ten Things one Must Know. . . . 71
VII. The Ten Things to be Practised 71
VIII. The Ten Things to be Persevered in . . . 73
IX. The Ten Incentives 73
X. The Ten Errors 74
XI. The Ten Resemblances Wherein One May Err . 75
XII. The Ten Things Wherein One Erreth Not . . 76
XIII. The Thirteen Grievous Failures 76
XIV. The Fifteen Weaknesses 78
XV. The Twelve Indispensable Things . . . . 79
XVI. The Ten Signs o f a Superior Man . . . . 80
XVII. The Ten Useless Things 81
XVIII. The Ten Self-imposed Troubles 82
XIX. The Ten Things Wherein One Doeth Good to Oneself 84
XX. The Ten Best Things 85
XXI. The Ten Grievous Mistakes 86
XXII. The Ten Necessary Things 87
XXIII. The Ten Unnecessary Things 88
XXIV. The Ten More Precious Things 90
XXV. The Ten Equal Things 91
XXVI. The Ten Virtues o f the Holy Dharma. . . . 92
XXVII. The Ten Figurative Expressions. . . . . 96
XXVIII. The Ten Great Joyful Realizations . . . . 98
THE CONCLUSION 99
THE COLOPHON . 100

BOOK II
THE NIRVANIC PATH: THE YOGA OF
THE GREAT SYMBOL
THE INTRODUCTION 101
I. The History of the Great Symbol Teachings . . . 101
II. The Text and the Translation 103
III. The Character of the Great Symbol Teachings . . . 108
IV. The Line of the Gurus 110
THE OBEISANCE AND FOREWORD . . . . 115
PART I: THE PRELIMINARY INSTRUCTIONS: THE
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL TEACHINGS . . 115
PART I I : THE ESSENTIAL SUBJECT MATTER . . 121
The Ordinary Practices 121
1, The Yoga of One-Pointedness 122
2. The Yoga of the Uncreated 135
TABLE OF CONTENTS xiii
The Extra-Ordinary Practices 145
1. The Yoga of Transmuting Phenomena and Mind into
At-One-Ment 145
2. The Yoga of Non- Meditation 148
PART I I I : THE CONCLUSION 150
Recognizing the Great Symbol; and the Four Yogic Attainments 150
Analysing the Impediments and Errors while Treading the Path 151
Differentiating Experiences and Practical from Theoretical Knowledge 153
THE COLOPHON 153

BOOK III
THE PATH OF KNOWLEDGE: THE YOGA OF
THE SIX DOCTRINES
THE INTRODUCTION 155
I. The Four Classes of Tantras 155
II. The Doctrine of the Psychic-Heat 156
III. The Doctrine of the Illusory Body 161
IV. The Doctrine of the Dream-State 164
V. The Doctrine of the Clear Light 166
VI. The Doctrine of the After-Death State . . . .167
VII. The Doctrine of the Consciousness-Transference . . 169
THE OBEISANCE AND FOREWORD 171
CHAPTER I: THE DOCTRINE OF THE PSYCHIC-HEAT 172
Part I: The Five Preliminary Exercises 173
1. Visualizing the Physical Body as being Vacuous . . 173
2. Visualizing the Psychic Nerve-System as being Vacuous 176
3. Visualizing the Protective Circle 177
4. Training the Psychic Nerve-Paths 180
5. Conferring the Gift-Waves' upon the Psychic Nerve-Centres 181
Part II: The Three Fundamental Practices . . . . 184
1. Producing Psychic-Heat 184
2. Psychic-Heat Experiences 195
3. Transcendental Psychic-Heat 200
Part I I I : The Practical Application 202
1 . Obtaining the Benefit o f the Warmth . . . . 202
2. Obtaining the Benefit of the Bliss 204
CHAPTER II: THE DOCTRINE OF THE ILLUSORY BODY 209
Part I: Realizing the Impure Illusory Body to be Maya . 209
Part I I : Realizing the Pure Illusory Body to be Maya . . 210
1. The Maya of the Visualizing State 210
2. The Maya of the Perfected State 212
Part I I I : Realizing All Things t o b e Maya . . . . 214
CHAPTER III: THE DOCTRINE OF THE DREAMSTATE 215
Part I: Comprehending the Nature of the Dream-State. . 215
1. Comprehending It by the Power of Resolution . . 216
2. Comprehending It by the Power of Breath . . . 216
3. Comprehending It by the Power of Visualization . 217
Part I I : Transmuting the Dream-Content . . . . 220
Part I I I : Realizing the Dream-State to be Maya . . . 221
Part IV: Meditating upon the Thatness of the Dream-State . 222
CHAPTER IV: THE DOCTRINE OF THE CLEAR LIGHT 223
Part I : The Fundamental Clear Light . . . . . 223
Part I I : The Clear Light on the Path 224
1. Blending the Nature of the Clear Light with the Path
During the Day-Time 224
2. Blending the Nature of the Clear Light with the Path
During the Night-Time 226
3. Blending the Nature of the Clear Light with the Path
During the After-Death State 229
Part I I I : The Resultant Clear Light 230
CHAPTER V: THE DOCTRINE OF THE AFTER-DEATH STATE 232
Part I: Realizing the State of the Clear Light of the Dharma-
Kaya while in the Bardo 233
1. The Bardo o f the Moments o f Death . . . . 235
2. The Yogic Art of Dying 237
Part I I : Realizing the State of the Sambhoga-Kaya while in the Bardo 238
1. Karmic Results of Inability to Recognize the Clear Light 239
2. Description of the After-Death Existence . . . 240
3. The After-Deat.h Attaining of Enlightenment . . 241
Part I I I : Realizing the State of the Nirmana-Kaya while in the Bardo 242
1. The Bardo of Seeking Rebirth 242
2. The Yogic Art o f Choosing a Womb . . . . 245
TABLE OF CONTENTS xv
CHAPTER VI: THE DOCTRINE OF CONSCIOUSNESSTRANSFERENCE 246
Part I: The Three Transferences 246
Part I I : The Transference of the Consciousness by Meditating upon the Guru 247
1. The Practising 248
2. The Practical Application 250
THE COLOPHON 250

BOOK IV
THE PATH OF TRANSFERENCE: THE YOGA
OF CONSCIOUSNESS-TRANSFERENCE
THE INTRODUCTION 253
I. Pho-wa and its Mastery 253
II. The Related Doctrine of Trongjug 254
III. The Yogic Tale Told by the Gurus 255
IV. The Yogic Tale Concerning Typhoo 256
V. The Secret Lore and its Survival 256
PARTI: THE PROFOUND PATH OF CONSCIOUSNESSTRANSFERENCE 261
The Refuge 261
The Visualizing of Vajra- Yogin! and the Gurus . . . 261
The Prayer to the Gurus 262
The Prayer to the Root-Guru 264
The Meditation upon the Guru 264
The Visualizing of Vajra-Dakini and the Gurus . . . 265
The Colophon 268
PART I I : THE TRANSFERENCE OF THE CONSCIOUSNESS
OF ONE DECEASED 269
The Visualization for Devotees of Lower Degree . . 270
The Application of the Transference by Devotees of Higher Degree 272
The State of the Highest Devotees 273
The Colophon 274
PART I I I : THE DESCRIPTION OF THE LINE OF THE GURUS . 274

BOOK V
THE PATH OF THE MYSTIC SACRIFICE: THE
YOGA OF SUBDUING THE LOWER SELF
THE INTRODUCTION 277
I . The History o f the Doctrine o f Non-Ego . . . . 277
II. The Tibetan Versification 278
III. The Practitioners of the Chad Rite 280
IV. The Essential Teachings 281
V. The Chod Rite as a Mystic Drama 282
VI. The Comparison with the Tibetan Mystery- Play . . 284
VII. The Origin of Disease According to the Lamas . . 285
VIII. The Comparison with the Bali Ceremony of Ceylon . 287
IX. The Art of Exorcism 287
X. The Performance o f the Mystery-Play . . . . 289
XI. The Kinchenjunga War-Dance 294
XII. The Anthropological Interpretation 295
XIII. The Bodhisaltva's Mystic Sacrifice 297
THE YOGIC DANCE WHICH DESTROYETH ERRONEOUS BELIEFS 301
THE YOGIC DANCE OF THE FIVE DIRECTIONS . . 303
THE TRANSFIXING OF THE ELEMENTALS OF SELF . 306
THE VISUALIZING OF THE GURUS AND DEITIES . 307
THE YOGINS PRAYER, AND RESOLUTION . . 308-9
THE DEDICATION OF THE ILLUSORY BODY IN SACRIFICE 309
THE PRAYER TO THE GURU 310
THE VISUALIZING OF THE CORPSE AND WRATHFUL GODDESS 311
THE SUMMONS TO THE SACRIFICIAL FEAST . . 312
THE OFFERING OF THE SACRIFICIAL FEAST IN WORSHIP 314
THE OFFERING OF THE SACRIFICIAL FEAST TO SPIRITUAL BEINGS 315
THE DEDICATING OF THE ACT OF SACRIFICE . . 315
THE DEDICATING OF THE MERIT OF THE ACT OF SACRIFICE 316
THE COLOPHON 318
THE ADDENDUM 319
I. The Objects Needed for Practising the Rite . . . 319
II. The Place and the Mental Imagery Prescribed . . 321
III. Directions to the Yogin 323
IV. The Visualizing of the Mandala 324
V. The Mixed, the Red, and the Black Feast . . . 325
VI. The Meditation to Accompany the Sacrificial Offering . 327
VII. The Time for Performing the Various Feasts . . . 328
VIII. The Visualizing of the Human Skeleton and Wrathful
Dakini . . . . . . . . . . 329
IX. The State of Mind Necessary 331
X. The Final Meditation 332
XI. The Good-Wishes and Benediction . . . . 333
XII. The Conclusion 333

BOOK VI
THE PATH OF THE FIVE WISDOMS: THE
YOGA OF THE LONG HUM
THE INTRODUCTION: THE YOGA OF THE FIVE WISDOMS . 335
THE SYMBOLIC SIGNIFICANCE OF THE LONG HUM . 339
THE OBEISANCE AND MEDITATION . . . .340
THE CONCLUDING MANTRA 341

BOOK VII
THE PATH OF THE TRANSCENDENTAL
WISDOM: THE YOGA OF THE VOIDNESS
THE INTRODUCTION 343
I. The Prajna-Paramita: its History and Esotericism . . 343
II. Translations from a n Apocr3'phal Text . . . . 346
III. The Canonical Texts and Commentaries . . . . 347
IV. The Doctrine of the Voidness Viewed Historically . . 349
V. The Absolute a s Inherent i n Phenomena . . . . 351
VI. The Practising o f the Prajna-Paramita . . . . 352
THE OBEISANCE 355
THE SANSKRIT AND TIBETAN TITLE . . . . 355
THE QUESTION OF SHARI-PUTRA 355
THE REPLY BY AVALOKITESHVARA . . . .356
THE MANTRA OF THE PRAJNA-PARAMITA . . . 358
THE BUDDHA'S APPROVAL 358
THE ADDENDUM 359
I . The Superiority o f the Prajna-Paramita . . . . 359
II. The Three Kinds of Prajna 361
III. The Personal Ego 362
IV. The Existence or Non-Existence of Atoms . . . 363
INDEX 365


Screenbook
Evans Wentz-Tibetan Yoga and Secret Doctrines
....
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
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First published by Oxford University Press, London, 1935
Second Edition, 1958
First published as an Oxford University Press paperback, 1967
This reprint 1978
Printed in the United States of America
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